It's a widespread belief: people grow more conservative with age. Consider the former '68ers, led by figures like Daniel Cohn-Bendit—Maoists in their youth, now in government, with no trace of their radical past. Antoine Blondin captured this shift wryly: "I never dared to be on the left when young, fearing I'd end up on the right later." The adage goes further: "Not to be a communist at 20 shows no heart; still one at 40 shows no head." This smug wisdom dismisses alternatives. But does age truly drive a rightward turn?
This question matters sociologically and politically. As populations age, seniors' votes carry growing weight. They're the most mobilized electorate, especially in midterm elections that shape agendas between presidential races. Media amplify conservative themes as retirees dominate visibility through turnout. Primaries also overrepresent seniors on both sides—François Hollande, the least radical, won the 2011 Socialist primary with their strong support.
Practically, this means more conservative social (e.g., identity) and economic themes. Detached from work, retirees often adopt moralistic views on welfare recipients. Seniors' interests thus loom large in politics.
Data confirms seniors vote more conservatively than average. Older cities lean right, favoring Republicans over the far right, which performs better with youth. In 2017's presidential first round, François Fillon topped seniors; Marine Le Pen placed third, behind Emmanuel Macron. In the runoff, Macron won seniors decisively (76% vs. Le Pen's 24%, below her 34% overall).
Yet the key question is evolution: does conservatism grow with age? Correlation isn't causation. Age alone may not explain it—we must examine seniors' social traits.
Retirement excludes seniors from production (though not consumption), dulling sensitivity to labor issues, especially over time. This mirrors older women's historical rightward tilt post-suffrage, when workforce exclusion prevailed—François Mitterrand quipped he'd have won the 1960s presidency without their votes. With women outliving men, they shape senior voting. Though gender gaps faded by the 1990s, older women's legacies persist.
Age also builds wealth: most retirees own property, favoring economic liberalism, wealth tax cuts, and low inheritance taxes. They escaped later retirement ages while securing their pensions, nudging them rightward.
Religion matters too. Catholicism, prevalent among elders, aligns with conservative values of order and authority. In 2017, 43-44% of over-65 Catholics backed Fillon vs. 20% of non-practitioners.
Ageist adages mask social-material roots. Generations differ—National Front gained modestly among poorer seniors in 2017. Retirement's isolation is fixed, fostering conservatism, but secularization and gender parity evolve.
Seniors span wide ages; young retirees differ from octogenarians, shaped by distinct events. '68ers prove more volatile. Conservatism preserves status quo, suiting elders who benefited from post-war booms. Yet changing norms open possibilities for shifts.
